Select notes:
Translation:

14. Moliant i seintiau Morgannwg (Rhisiart ap Rhys)

edited by Eurig Salisbury

A poem by Rhisiart ap Rhys in praise of the saints of Morgannwg and to wish good health to a sick man. Date 1498‒c.1515.

Cei’r 1 Cei The manuscript reading, Cev, is problematic due to the inconsistent nature of Richard Turbeville’s orthography. There are two possible readings, both of which are meaningful. The edition of GRhB 8.1 has Cau, the second person singular imperative form of the verb cau ‘defend, protect’, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. caeaf (b). Note the poet’s use of the same form of the verb synnu ‘consider’ in l. 3. He used the verbal noun of cau, in the same meaning, in another poem, see GRhB 10.39.40 A gwŷr Ffrainc … / … yn cau’r Eidal⁠ ‘and the men of France defending Italy’; cf. TA III.4 yn cau’r ffydd ‘defending the faith’. For the orthography, cf. GRhB 38.54, 56, two lines in the concluding part of the preceding poem in the manuscript that have the plural forms pvnnev and donnav. The second possibility is that Cev signifies the second person singular present form of the verb cael, namely cei ‘you’ll receive’. For the orthography, cf. cav and geu for the same word on pages 156 and 181 respectively (see GRhB 38.60, 20.51; cf. gav for gâi on page 171, namely GRhB 10.43). The edition tentatively reads cei, as examples of the second person singular imperative form of the verb cau are extremely rare (se G 97 s.v. kaeu). glod am ŵr cywir, glân,
Curig,1 Curig A saint associated primarily with Llangurig and Capel Curig, but who is named here probably because of his association, along with his mother, Ilid, with the church of Llanilid near Pen-coed, in line with the fact that a number of the saints of Morgannwg are named later on in the poem. lle plyco arian.2 lle plyco arian The word plyco is in fact a form of the verb plygu ‘to bend’, not plycio ‘to pluck’, with the usual provection of the consonant in the stem of a subjunctive verb, see GMW 128. Pilgrims used to bend coins before offering them to a church, see Finucane 1977: 94–5; cf. CawrdafHRh ll. 25–6.
Synna, rhag ei lysenwi
– Sant teg, ei fabsant wyt ti –
5Curig, ni bu’n dwyn coron3 dwyn coron See GPC Ar Lein s.v. coron 2 ‘crown, crown-piece’, namely the coin; cf. l. 2n, l. 54n halbert a choron; GRhB 29.5. Note also another example of this combination of words by Guto’r Glyn in a poem of praise for Dafydd Mathau of Llandaff, see GG.net 17.41–2 Fal na bydd na blaen na bôn, / Addwyn ceirw, heb ddwyn coron ‘[you have sons] of such a kind that no one of them will fail to bear a crown, the stags are splendid’. In Guto’s poem, the words dwyn coron seem to serve as a metaphor for ‘growing antlers’, implying that Dafydd’s sons were young men on the rise. Another possibility is that the poet believed that his patron’s abilities as a warrior were no less than a king’s.
Ei well â phwys llaw a ffon.4 pwys llaw a ffon Literally ‘weight of hand and staff’. Cf. IGP 46.45–6 Rhoi pwys y ffon ar honno / Ar hyd ei phen – bu rhaid ffo ‘he laid the weight of the staff on her / over her head – she had to flee’. The poet is praising his patron’s physical abilities.

Gwewyr Einon a Gronwy
Ac Owain,5 Ll. 7–8. The identity of Einion a Gronwy / Ac Owain can only be guessed at. Were they members of his family, possibly his brothers or sons? fyth pa gŵyn fwy?
Cwynaw ar glod Cynwrig lân
10A Chadrod,6 Ll. 9–10. It is unclear who Cynwrig … / A Chadrod were. The fact that Cadrod is an uncommon name suggests that these two were, unlike the men mentioned above, two figures of some renown. If so, however, they are not sufficiently well-known today. The identity of Cynwrig can only be guessed at, and the only well-known Cadrod is Cadrod Calchfynydd, a son-in-law to Brychan Brycheiniog, see GRhGE 23–4n. Nothing is known of Cadrod that could explain this reference, but it is likely that both he and Cynwrig were known as men of honour who could be compared to the patron, were he to live longer. o châi oedran.

Llaw dyn – pell y’i adwaenynt –
Llaw’n dwyn gwayw yn 2 gwayw yn The manuscript reading, gwaew’n, is emended to extend the length of the line. The same could be done with Llaw’n at the beginning of the line, but extending over the natural break in the line is more likely. Llundain gynt,
Ei ddwrn a’i fwa, ddyrnaid,
Amlyn7 Amlyn One of the protagonists of Kedymdeithyas Amlyn ac Amic, a story found in the Red Book of Hergest that was based on a Latin text, Vita Sanctorum Amici et Amelii. Both Amlyn and his companion, Amig, were known for their close friendship, and both died together in battle, see KAA2. gorff, ymlaen a gaid,
15Byd gwych, a dwyn bwyd a gwin8 dwyn bwyd a gwin If dwyn means ‘carrying’ here, it would seem that the patron had served the royal family (that is, by ‘carrying food and wine’), probably at the palace of Sheen, see l. 18n. The poet’s reference to the patron bearing arms in ll. 11–14 (cf. ll. 51–6) suggests that he also served as a soldier and therefore may have been a Yeoman of the Guard, see the introductory note. On the other hand, dwyn can be understood as ‘taking’, with the implication that the patron had feasted with Beirdd breiniol bwrdd y brenin ‘the privileged poets of the king’s table’, possibly as he was a poet himself or, maybe, a harpist, if not both, see ll. 57–8n.
Beirdd breiniol bwrdd y brenin.
Pan ddaeth i’r pen ydd athoedd 3 Pan ddaeth i’r pen ydd athoedd The manuscript reading, pan davth ir penn i dathoedd, is emended.
Tân y Sin⁠9 tân y Sin A fire destroyed the old palace of Sheen in London on 23 December 1497. Henry VII soon began to build a majestic new palace on the site on the banks of the river Thames at Richmond. It was derelict by the 17c. Further, see Thurley 1993: 27–32. – ffortenus10 ffortenus The earliest example of a variant form of the adjective ffortunus ‘fortunate’, not noted in GPC Ar Lein s.v. oedd –
Rhoi’r brenin a’r frenhines11 Ll. 19–20. Henry VII (1457–1509) and Elizabeth of York (1466–1503).
20I’r tŵr12 [y] tŵr Possibly the Tower of London, but note that the main stone tower of the palace of Sheen survived the fire of 1497, see l. 18n tân y Sin⁠; Thurley 1993: 28–9. yn gryf o’r twrn gwres.

Pan ddêl ar y pen melyn13 y pen melyn Literally ‘the yellow head’, not likely the patron’s, but rather a reference to the devil, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. melyn (b) ‘of a hideous yellow colour (esp. of death personified), deadly, implacable, unpleasant’; ll. 21–8n. For other early examples not noted in GPC, see GIRh 9.48; CYSDT 16.37, 18.57n; and, possibly, GPB 11.1.
Dial Duw, beth a dâl dyn?
Blino gŵr heb liw na gwedd,
Bai mal anaf bum mlynedd.14 Ll. 23‒4. It is also possible to interpret bai as a verb: ‘This would be the tormenting of a man / with no colour or shape like an injury for five years.’
25Fe wnaeth Duw sant o Antwn,15 Antwn A saint of Egypt and one of Christianity’s most renowned hermits, see ll. 21–8n.
Fe wna sant o fynwes hwn!16 Fe wna sant o fynwes hwn The word mynwes may mean ‘soul’ here, but there are no examples in this sense before 1574 in GPC Ar Lein s.v. mynwes (c). The poet is probably saying that the pain in his patron’s breast will purify him.
Bei ber fai’r nos, ni dderfydd,17 Bei ber fai’r nos, ni dderfydd A cynghanedd lusg gysylltben (see CD 174–5) in which the poet unusually uses the feminine form of the adjective ber.
Bei ryw dwrn, nid byr y dydd.18 Ll. 21–8. These ll. should probably be understood in light of the reference to Anthony in l. 25, a saint and hermit renowned for having been tempted in the desert by the devil in the form of demons and wild animals. One of the most well-known tales describes how he fought with demons in a cave and was almost dead when his followers dragged his body away. When he came to, he returned defiantly to the cave to fight with the demons a second time, but before they could attack him the light of God shone upon them and they fled. Anthony realized that God had saved him, and the saint asked him why he had not helped him sooner. God explained that he was pleased to see Anthony courageously fighting the demons and that he would therefore make the saint’s name known across the world. In ll. 21–2, it seems that the poet is depicting man’s helplessness, like Anthony’s, in the face of the eternal battle between God and the devil, by linking the suffering of man with the suffering of the patron in ll. 23–8. Ll. 27‒8 are very obsure, but may describe the suffering of the patron, for whom both the night and the day are long and tiresome. Another interpretation is possible with different punctuation: ‘If the night that never ends were but short, / if the day were a spell that was not brief.’

Gŵr lliwiog o Gaerlleon⁠19 Gŵr lliwiog o Gaerlleon The image of Christ in the form of rood at the church of St John in Chester, the most famous rood in medieval Wales. It was decorated with gold and precious stones, and possibly some silver too, see Lewis 2005b: 20.
30Gwedy 4 Gwedy The manuscript reading, gwed, is emended both for the meaning and to extend the length of the line. rhoi fry gwayw drwy’i fron,20 Gwedy rhoi fry gwayw drwy’i fron On the soldier who pierced Christ’s side after he died on the cross, see John 19.31–7.
Mae llun ym mhell a enwir
Ym Mhen-rhys⁠21 Ll. 31–2. The poet is referring to an image of Mary that was believed to have been found in an oak tree near Mary’s well at Pen-rhys, located on a ridge between the valleys of Rhondda Fawr and Rhondda Fach. For Rhisiart ap Rhys’s poem of praise for Mary of Pen-rhys, see GRhB poem 5. i’r meinwr hir;22 [y] meinwr hir This may refer to Christ, following the rather isolated couplet about the rood of Chester in ll. 29–30, but it more likely refers to the patron.
Catwg23 Catwg The patron saint of Llancarfan in the Vale of Glamorgan. Rhisiart ap Rhys composed two poems of praise for the saint, see CadogRhRh1 and MWPSS poem 24. It seems that Catwg was the form of the saint’s name that was used in south-east Wales, see ibid. 327. yn amlwg a wnaeth
I gannyn feddeginaeth,24 feddeginaeth A mutated variant form, possibly, of meddyginiaeth, not noted in GPC Ar Lein s.v.
35Teilo25 Teilo A saint associated primarily with Llandeilo Fawr in the Tywi valley, but he is likely named here in connection with his dedication, along with two other saints, at Llandaff. ym mhob 5 ym mhob The manuscript reading, ’mhob, is emended to extend the length of the line. tŷ aelwyn,26 tŷ aelwyn Namely a whitewashed church.
Tyfodwg27 Tyfodwg A saint commemorated at Ystradyfodwg, a parish in the Rhondda Fawr valley, and at Llandyfodwg to the west of Tonyrefail, namely Glynogwr today, where there is a church dedicated to him. at feudwy gwyn;28 meudwy gwyn Perhaps a description of any devout Christian, but also possibly a reference to the patron.
Nesaf, barod Sain Barwg, 6 Nesaf, barod Sain Barwg The edition follows the manuscript reading, but an emendment is possible in light of the similarity between n and v or u in the orthography of some manuscripts, namely Nesâ’n barod, Sain Barwg ‘come closer willingly, Saint Baruc.’
Ni ddeily ar draws ddolur drwg;30 Ni ddeily ar draws ddolur drwg See GPC Ar Lein s.v. daliaf and the combination dal ar (iii) ‘to observe, mark, give heed to, attend to, notice, consider, regard’ (the first noted example belongs to 1547). The meaning is extended in the edition, whereby the poet states that Baruc does not ‘suffer’ violence. Furthermore, [t]raws ‘evil’ is understood as an adjective describing [d]olur ‘pain’.
Derfel31 Derfel A saint associated primarily with Llandderfel in Meirionnydd, but the poet probably refers to him here both as the patron saint of the lost church of Llandderfel near Cwm-brân and, with a view to praising the patron of the poem, as a renowned warrior, cf. l. 39n below. The lost church was on the pilgrim route from Llantarnam abbey to Pen-rhys, see Gray 1996: 21. â chorff durfael,32 durfael Namely dur + mael ‘metal armour’. The combination is not noted in GPC Ar Lein, but see s.v. mael3; cf. GLMorg 14.5–6 Bedd Maelgwn Gwynedd neu Gynan – durfael, / Bedd Derfel neu Frychan ‘the grave of Maelgwn Gwynedd or Cynan in metal armour, the grave of Derfel or Brychan’; GSC 17.28 Durfael pawl onn Derfel plaid ‘the metal armour [and] ash spear of a host’s Derfel’. chwyrn,
40Yll deuoedd ac Elltëyrn.33 Elltëyrn A seemingly unique reference to the patron saint of Llanilltern (or Capel Llanilltern) in Morgannwg, near Pen-tyrch on the outskirts of Cardiff; WATU 132.

Myned heb rodd, gormodd gwaith,
Meddyliaid am Dduw eilwaith.34 Ll. 41–2. The meaning is obscure. The first part, myned heb rodd ‘going without a gift’, may refer to the ailing patron, whose prayers to the saints named above have not yet been answered. It seems that gormodd gwaith ‘excessive deed’ refers to this predicament, cf. the same combination of words in DG.net 159.19 to describe Judas’s betrayal of Christ. The solution, according to the poet, is to keep on meditating on God, and this may be why the poet refers to two other saints in ll. 50 and 51 (see the notes).
Dyn wyf i dan35 i dan Namely o dan ‘under’, see the combination in GPC Ar Lein s.v. i4. y nefoedd,
Dilyd gŵr, dyledog oedd.
45Sôn am ŵr dros win a medd
A fu farw yw f’oferedd,36 f’oferedd The use of oferfardd and oferwr to mean poets in general may have modified the generally negative meaning of oferedd ‘vanity, vainglory’, see GPC Ar Lein s.v.
Gŵr fu yn gryf ei awen,
Gŵr a sant, wrth y Groes Wen.37 y Groes Wen There are at least three places called Groes Wen in Morgannwg, and all three were located on pilgrim routes to Pen-rhys. One was in Margam, on the route through Llangynwyd to Pen-rhys, and is commemorated today in the names of two streets near junctions 39 and 40 on the M4. Another more well-known Groes Wen is located to the west of Caerffili, on the pilgrim route from Llantarnam abbey to Pen-rhys, see Gray 1996: 26. A third stood on the route from Llandaff to Pen-rhys, near Radyr (A. Cook, personal correspondence and Twixt Chain and Gorge www.radyr.org.uk 47–50, 79–80, 84, 99 (map)). There may well be others. The only Groes Wen located near a patron house associated with Rhisiart ap Rhys is the Groes Wen near Radyr, not far from the home of the Mathau (Matthew) family. Rhisiart referred to cweryl Cing HarriKing Henry’s quarrel’ in a poem of praise for Syr Wiliam Mathau ap Tomas Mathau, a grandson of Dafydd Mathau, one of Guto’r Glyn’s patrons, who was knighted on the field of Bosworth, see GRhB 28.14; GG.net poem 17. However, there is no other reason to believe he was associated with this poem. The use of the definite article here points to ⁠Groes Wen⁠ being a place name, but it may also be a more general reference to the holy cross, cf. BeunoRhGE l. 39; GLl 1.17; GLMorg 30.52. Further, see ll. 43–8n. 38 Ll. 43–8. The verb rhôi ‘he’d give’ in l. 50 doubtless refers to the patron, which strongly suggests that Rhisiart ap Rhys is also referring to his patron in these ll. as a nobleman whom he follows faithfully and describes as a sant ‘saint’, cf. ll. 25–6. However, the same person is referred to as a man a fu farw ‘who died’ in l. 46, even though the patron was obviously alive. Was this simply some strange exaggeration, or had the poet wrongly claimed (cf. l. 46n) that his patron was dead?
Merch wen,39 merch wen Namely Sanwyr, see l. 50n. y mae aur a chwyr
50Er swynaw y’u rhôi i Sanwyr;40 Sanwyr A seemingly unique reference to the patron saint of Llansanwyr (Llansannor) in Morgannwg, north of Cowbridge; WATU 139.
Mae Ceinwyr41 Ceinwyr Another seemingly unique reference, this time to the patron saint of Llangeinwyr (Llangeinor) in Morgannwg, north of Bridgend; WATU 126. yn amcanu
Wellhau42 Ll. 51–2. It is difficult to account for the mutation to [g]wellhau, except by the loss of the preposition i from the beginning of the line, or possibly by reversing the custom of resisting mutation at the beginning of the second line of a couplet (further, see TC 196). As for the combination gwellhau pwynt ‘to cure a condition’, cf. DE 30 yr vn ym a ran amwynt / a all am hyn wellav ymhwynt ‘the one who causes me ill health can also cure my condition’.’i bwynt a’i rhoi lle bu, 7 Wellhau’i bwynt a’i rhoi lle bu The edition follows the manuscript reading, rhoi. The verb seems to be referring to [p]wynt ‘condition’ as a feminine noun, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. pwynt1 (e).
Breichfyr 8 Breichfyr Two words in the manuscript reading, breuch fyr, form one word in the edition, cf. nisgwn ai for nis gwnâi in l. 56; GPC Ar Lein s.v. breichfawr, breichfras. yng nghwr bach y fron,43 Breichfyr yng nghwr bach y fron Probably a description of the patron’s injury. Was his arm in a sling? Or does breichfyr refer to a feature of the weapon that caused the patron’s injury, following the reference to a halbert, which has a small hook as well as a prominent blade, in the next line? The word bach is understood as an adjective, but is could also refer to some part of the torso, such as the armpit, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. bach2 (a) ‘hook’, (b) ‘hinge’, (c) ‘nook, angle’; cf. ll. 57–8n. Some of the alliterative consonants in this line are in the incorrect order, and the first main accent in falls on yng (for similar examples of placing a main accent on prepositions and other minor words in the work of Rhisiart ap Rhys, see l. 36; CadogRhRh1 l. 64; GRhB 28.20, 44, 53, 29.26, 29; further, see CD 266–8).
Brad chwerw44 brad chwerw The -d becomes voiceless under the influence of ch-, cf. CD 211–2. halbert 9 halbert The edition emends the manuscript reading, halfbert, possibly a misunderstanding of the origin of the word, see OED Online s.v. halberd. a choron.45 halbert a choron The word halbert is a form of halbard, see OED Online s.v. halberd ‘A military weapon, especially in use during the 15th and 16th centuries; a kind of combination of spear and battle-axe, consisting of a sharp-edged blade ending in a point, and a spear-head, mounted on a handle five to seven feet long.’ The patron may have been a member of Henry VII’s guard (see the introductory notes), whose use of halberds was well-known, see Hewerdine 2012: 54–5, 57–8. The meaning of coron is not so evident. In l. 5 the same word is used with the meaning ‘crown’ (namely a coin, see the note), but in this l. it may signify the ‘crown’ of a king. Both halberds and crowns were heraldic symbols, but there are no relevant combinations in DWH iii. On the other hand, the poet may be referring to the patron’s ‘crown’, namely his head, or possibly a bandage wrapped around it, if he had indeed injured it, see l. 55 Os ei dâl sy â dolur ‘if his brow is painful’; GPC Ar Lein s.v. coron 1 (a), (c).
55Os ei dâl sy â dolur,46 Os ei dâl sy â dolur It seems that the patron’s forehead was often furrowed in pain. Note also the belief that on Judgement Day there would be a list on everyone’s forehead noting their deeds and the state of their soul, see Rowlands 1956‒7.
Nis gwnâi ddyn ysgawn â’i ddur.
Chwith yw’r afel ar delyn,
Chwerw yw tant a chariad dyn.47 Ll. 57–8. The poet may be describing his own inability to play the harp because his patron was ill, in line with the poets’ custom of sharing their patrons’ suffering. On the other hand, the poet may in fact be referring to his patron having trouble playing the harp, if he had suffered an injury to his arm. There are many examples of patrons who took an active interest in both the poetic craft and its musical accompaniment, and cf. ll. 15–16, where the patron is said to have enjoyed bwyd a gwin / Beirdd breiniol bwrdd y brenin ‘the food and the wine of the king’s table’s privileged poets’; l. 47 Gŵr fu yn gryf ei awen ‘a man whose muse was great’.
Ni chêl arf Achelarwy 48 Ni chêl arf Achelarwy Possibly a cynghanedd drychben, but the poet may have ignored the voiced f here and, if so, this may be a cynghanedd lusg, see CD 155–6, 199–200. On Achilles, Greek hero of the Trojan war, see OCD 1213. On the form, see G 435 s.v. Echel1. 10 Achelarwy The manuscript reading, vwel arwy, is emended, following GRhB 8.59, cf. A chael awr Achelarwy in a poem attributed to both Tudur Aled and Lewys Morgannwg, TA CXXIII.45; GLMorg Atodiad ii.45 (and cf. the variations on p. 530). Was the word, a Welsh form of Achilles, obscure in the source? On the other hand, cf. GRhB 10.36, where ai sdemor is emended to Antenor, one of Priam’s counsellors in the Iliad. Was Richard Turbeville unfamiliar with these forms of the names of Greek heroes?
60O’r oes hon fyth rysyn49 grysyn A variant form of gresyn, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. ‘wretchedness; pain, grief, misfortune, calamity’; cf. Llst 164, 192 Rosser pam nad oedd ryssynn / amdy gorff roi amdo gwynn ‘Roser, wasn’t it [literally: why would it not be] a calamity to wrap your body in a white shroud?’ (cf. GRhB 24.21). fwy;50 Ll. 59–60. References to the patron’s injured arm and hand (see l. 53n) suggest that the arf ‘weapon’ referred to here is the shield of Achilles, which is described in detail in the Iliad. It is unmentioned in Ystoria Dared, but it may have been known to the poet by way of a well-known version Latin of the legend, Ilias Latina, see Rhŷs and Evans 1890: 1–39; Miles 2011: 107‒9.
Ni bu ’m mhân 11 mhân Contrast the manuscript reading, mhann. The orthography of original -nn is usually preserved in this text (cf. l. 48 wenn), and therefore the reading has to be emended both for the meaning and to avoid incorrect rhyme between original -nn and -n in the cynghanedd, cf. CD 232‒5. Lloegr ei lanach,
Ni bydd o’i wayw o bydd iach.

You’ll receive praise, Curig,1 Curig A saint associated primarily with Llangurig and Capel Curig, but who is named here probably because of his association, along with his mother, Ilid, with the church of Llanilid near Pen-coed, in line with the fact that a number of the saints of Morgannwg are named later on in the poem. on account of a true
and pure man, where he bends coins.2 lle plyco arian The word plyco is in fact a form of the verb plygu ‘to bend’, not plycio ‘to pluck’, with the usual provection of the consonant in the stem of a subjunctive verb, see GMW 128. Pilgrims used to bend coins before offering them to a church, see Finucane 1977: 94–5; cf. CawrdafHRh ll. 25–6.
Consider, lest he be vilified
– generous saint, you’re his patron saint –
5Curig, never was there anyone bearing a crown3 dwyn coron See GPC Ar Lein s.v. coron 2 ‘crown, crown-piece’, namely the coin; cf. l. 2n, l. 54n halbert a choron; GRhB 29.5. Note also another example of this combination of words by Guto’r Glyn in a poem of praise for Dafydd Mathau of Llandaff, see GG.net 17.41–2 Fal na bydd na blaen na bôn, / Addwyn ceirw, heb ddwyn coron ‘[you have sons] of such a kind that no one of them will fail to bear a crown, the stags are splendid’. In Guto’s poem, the words dwyn coron seem to serve as a metaphor for ‘growing antlers’, implying that Dafydd’s sons were young men on the rise. Another possibility is that the poet believed that his patron’s abilities as a warrior were no less than a king’s.
who was better than him with the weight of hand and staff.4 pwys llaw a ffon Literally ‘weight of hand and staff’. Cf. IGP 46.45–6 Rhoi pwys y ffon ar honno / Ar hyd ei phen – bu rhaid ffo ‘he laid the weight of the staff on her / over her head – she had to flee’. The poet is praising his patron’s physical abilities.

The anguish of Einon and Gronwy
and Owain,5 Ll. 7–8. The identity of Einion a Gronwy / Ac Owain can only be guessed at. Were they members of his family, possibly his brothers or sons? what greater cry ever?
Bemoaning in a poem of praise [one commensurate with] true Cynwrig
10and Cadrod,6 Ll. 9–10. It is unclear who Cynwrig … / A Chadrod were. The fact that Cadrod is an uncommon name suggests that these two were, unlike the men mentioned above, two figures of some renown. If so, however, they are not sufficiently well-known today. The identity of Cynwrig can only be guessed at, and the only well-known Cadrod is Cadrod Calchfynydd, a son-in-law to Brychan Brycheiniog, see GRhGE 23–4n. Nothing is known of Cadrod that could explain this reference, but it is likely that both he and Cynwrig were known as men of honour who could be compared to the patron, were he to live longer. if he should live

A man’s hand – they knew him from afar –
a hand that held a spear in London once,
his fist and bow, a fistful,
body of Amlyn,7 Amlyn One of the protagonists of Kedymdeithyas Amlyn ac Amic, a story found in the Red Book of Hergest that was based on a Latin text, Vita Sanctorum Amici et Amelii. Both Amlyn and his companion, Amig, were known for their close friendship, and both died together in battle, see KAA2. would be at the front,
15marvellous existence, and taking the food and wine8 dwyn bwyd a gwin If dwyn means ‘carrying’ here, it would seem that the patron had served the royal family (that is, by ‘carrying food and wine’), probably at the palace of Sheen, see l. 18n. The poet’s reference to the patron bearing arms in ll. 11–14 (cf. ll. 51–6) suggests that he also served as a soldier and therefore may have been a Yeoman of the Guard, see the introductory note. On the other hand, dwyn can be understood as ‘taking’, with the implication that the patron had feasted with Beirdd breiniol bwrdd y brenin ‘the privileged poets of the king’s table’, possibly as he was a poet himself or, maybe, a harpist, if not both, see ll. 57–8n.
of the privileged poets of the king’s table.
When the fire of Sheen9 tân y Sin A fire destroyed the old palace of Sheen in London on 23 December 1497. Henry VII soon began to build a majestic new palace on the site on the banks of the river Thames at Richmond. It was derelict by the 17c. Further, see Thurley 1993: 27–32. reached the point
where it had gone – it was fortunate10 ffortenus The earliest example of a variant form of the adjective ffortunus ‘fortunate’, not noted in GPC Ar Lein s.v.
he placed the king and queen11 Ll. 19–20. Henry VII (1457–1509) and Elizabeth of York (1466–1503).
20safely in the tower12 [y] tŵr Possibly the Tower of London, but note that the main stone tower of the palace of Sheen survived the fire of 1497, see l. 18n tân y Sin⁠; Thurley 1993: 28–9. away from the spell of heat.

When God’s vengeance falls on the deathly one,13 y pen melyn Literally ‘the yellow head’, not likely the patron’s, but rather a reference to the devil, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. melyn (b) ‘of a hideous yellow colour (esp. of death personified), deadly, implacable, unpleasant’; ll. 21–8n. For other early examples not noted in GPC, see GIRh 9.48; CYSDT 16.37, 18.57n; and, possibly, GPB 11.1.
what is man’s worth?
Tormenting a man with no colour or shape,
a deformity like an injury for five years.14 Ll. 23‒4. It is also possible to interpret bai as a verb: ‘This would be the tormenting of a man / with no colour or shape like an injury for five years.’
25God made a saint of Anthony,15 Antwn A saint of Egypt and one of Christianity’s most renowned hermits, see ll. 21–8n.
he’ll make a saint on account of this man’s breast!16 Fe wna sant o fynwes hwn The word mynwes may mean ‘soul’ here, but there are no examples in this sense before 1574 in GPC Ar Lein s.v. mynwes (c). The poet is probably saying that the pain in his patron’s breast will purify him.
If the night were short, it’s endless,17 Bei ber fai’r nos, ni dderfydd A cynghanedd lusg gysylltben (see CD 174–5) in which the poet unusually uses the feminine form of the adjective ber.
if it were [just] a bout, the day is not short.18 Ll. 21–8. These ll. should probably be understood in light of the reference to Anthony in l. 25, a saint and hermit renowned for having been tempted in the desert by the devil in the form of demons and wild animals. One of the most well-known tales describes how he fought with demons in a cave and was almost dead when his followers dragged his body away. When he came to, he returned defiantly to the cave to fight with the demons a second time, but before they could attack him the light of God shone upon them and they fled. Anthony realized that God had saved him, and the saint asked him why he had not helped him sooner. God explained that he was pleased to see Anthony courageously fighting the demons and that he would therefore make the saint’s name known across the world. In ll. 21–2, it seems that the poet is depicting man’s helplessness, like Anthony’s, in the face of the eternal battle between God and the devil, by linking the suffering of man with the suffering of the patron in ll. 23–8. Ll. 27‒8 are very obsure, but may describe the suffering of the patron, for whom both the night and the day are long and tiresome. Another interpretation is possible with different punctuation: ‘If the night that never ends were but short, / if the day were a spell that was not brief.’

The painted Man of Chester,19 Gŵr lliwiog o Gaerlleon The image of Christ in the form of rood at the church of St John in Chester, the most famous rood in medieval Wales. It was decorated with gold and precious stones, and possibly some silver too, see Lewis 2005b: 20.
30a spear having been thrust through his breast on high,20 Gwedy rhoi fry gwayw drwy’i fron On the soldier who pierced Christ’s side after he died on the cross, see John 19.31–7.
there’s an image which is celebrated far and wide
in Pen-rhys21 Ll. 31–2. The poet is referring to an image of Mary that was believed to have been found in an oak tree near Mary’s well at Pen-rhys, located on a ridge between the valleys of Rhondda Fawr and Rhondda Fach. For Rhisiart ap Rhys’s poem of praise for Mary of Pen-rhys, see GRhB poem 5. for the tall and slender man;22 [y] meinwr hir This may refer to Christ, following the rather isolated couplet about the rood of Chester in ll. 29–30, but it more likely refers to the patron.
Cadog23 Catwg The patron saint of Llancarfan in the Vale of Glamorgan. Rhisiart ap Rhys composed two poems of praise for the saint, see CadogRhRh1 and MWPSS poem 24. It seems that Catwg was the form of the saint’s name that was used in south-east Wales, see ibid. 327. clearly provided
a cure24 feddeginaeth A mutated variant form, possibly, of meddyginiaeth, not noted in GPC Ar Lein s.v. for hundreds of men,
35Teilo25 Teilo A saint associated primarily with Llandeilo Fawr in the Tywi valley, but he is likely named here in connection with his dedication, along with two other saints, at Llandaff. in every whitewashed house,26 tŷ aelwyn Namely a whitewashed church.
Tyfodwg27 Tyfodwg A saint commemorated at Ystradyfodwg, a parish in the Rhondda Fawr valley, and at Llandyfodwg to the west of Tonyrefail, namely Glynogwr today, where there is a church dedicated to him. for a blessed hermit;28 meudwy gwyn Perhaps a description of any devout Christian, but also possibly a reference to the patron.
next, eager Saint Baruc,29 Nesaf, barod Sain Barwg St Baruc is commemorated in the town of Barry in the Vale of Glamorgan, but the church of Bedwas, which stood on the pilgrim route from Llantarnam abbey to Pen-rhys, is also dedicated to the saint; Gray 1996: 23. Some of the alliterative consonants in this line are in the incorrect order.
he doesn’t suffer violent, evil pain;30 Ni ddeily ar draws ddolur drwg See GPC Ar Lein s.v. daliaf and the combination dal ar (iii) ‘to observe, mark, give heed to, attend to, notice, consider, regard’ (the first noted example belongs to 1547). The meaning is extended in the edition, whereby the poet states that Baruc does not ‘suffer’ violence. Furthermore, [t]raws ‘evil’ is understood as an adjective describing [d]olur ‘pain’.
both Derfel31 Derfel A saint associated primarily with Llandderfel in Meirionnydd, but the poet probably refers to him here both as the patron saint of the lost church of Llandderfel near Cwm-brân and, with a view to praising the patron of the poem, as a renowned warrior, cf. l. 39n below. The lost church was on the pilgrim route from Llantarnam abbey to Pen-rhys, see Gray 1996: 21. with a vigorous body in metal armour32 durfael Namely dur + mael ‘metal armour’. The combination is not noted in GPC Ar Lein, but see s.v. mael3; cf. GLMorg 14.5–6 Bedd Maelgwn Gwynedd neu Gynan – durfael, / Bedd Derfel neu Frychan ‘the grave of Maelgwn Gwynedd or Cynan in metal armour, the grave of Derfel or Brychan’; GSC 17.28 Durfael pawl onn Derfel plaid ‘the metal armour [and] ash spear of a host’s Derfel’.
40and Ellteyrn.33 Elltëyrn A seemingly unique reference to the patron saint of Llanilltern (or Capel Llanilltern) in Morgannwg, near Pen-tyrch on the outskirts of Cardiff; WATU 132.

Going without a gift, an awful business,
meditating on God again.34 Ll. 41–2. The meaning is obscure. The first part, myned heb rodd ‘going without a gift’, may refer to the ailing patron, whose prayers to the saints named above have not yet been answered. It seems that gormodd gwaith ‘excessive deed’ refers to this predicament, cf. the same combination of words in DG.net 159.19 to describe Judas’s betrayal of Christ. The solution, according to the poet, is to keep on meditating on God, and this may be why the poet refers to two other saints in ll. 50 and 51 (see the notes).
I’m a man under35 i dan Namely o dan ‘under’, see the combination in GPC Ar Lein s.v. i4. heaven,
following a man, he was noble.
45Speaking over wine and mead about a man
who died is my vain sport,36 f’oferedd The use of oferfardd and oferwr to mean poets in general may have modified the generally negative meaning of oferedd ‘vanity, vainglory’, see GPC Ar Lein s.v.
a man whose muse was great,
a man and a saint, near Y Groes Wen.37 y Groes Wen There are at least three places called Groes Wen in Morgannwg, and all three were located on pilgrim routes to Pen-rhys. One was in Margam, on the route through Llangynwyd to Pen-rhys, and is commemorated today in the names of two streets near junctions 39 and 40 on the M4. Another more well-known Groes Wen is located to the west of Caerffili, on the pilgrim route from Llantarnam abbey to Pen-rhys, see Gray 1996: 26. A third stood on the route from Llandaff to Pen-rhys, near Radyr (A. Cook, personal correspondence and Twixt Chain and Gorge www.radyr.org.uk 47–50, 79–80, 84, 99 (map)). There may well be others. The only Groes Wen located near a patron house associated with Rhisiart ap Rhys is the Groes Wen near Radyr, not far from the home of the Mathau (Matthew) family. Rhisiart referred to cweryl Cing HarriKing Henry’s quarrel’ in a poem of praise for Syr Wiliam Mathau ap Tomas Mathau, a grandson of Dafydd Mathau, one of Guto’r Glyn’s patrons, who was knighted on the field of Bosworth, see GRhB 28.14; GG.net poem 17. However, there is no other reason to believe he was associated with this poem. The use of the definite article here points to ⁠Groes Wen⁠ being a place name, but it may also be a more general reference to the holy cross, cf. BeunoRhGE l. 39; GLl 1.17; GLMorg 30.52. Further, see ll. 43–8n. 38 Ll. 43–8. The verb rhôi ‘he’d give’ in l. 50 doubtless refers to the patron, which strongly suggests that Rhisiart ap Rhys is also referring to his patron in these ll. as a nobleman whom he follows faithfully and describes as a sant ‘saint’, cf. ll. 25–6. However, the same person is referred to as a man a fu farw ‘who died’ in l. 46, even though the patron was obviously alive. Was this simply some strange exaggeration, or had the poet wrongly claimed (cf. l. 46n) that his patron was dead?
Fair girl,39 merch wen Namely Sanwyr, see l. 50n. there’s gold and wax
50which he’d give to Sanwyr40 Sanwyr A seemingly unique reference to the patron saint of Llansanwyr (Llansannor) in Morgannwg, north of Cowbridge; WATU 139. in exchange for being blessed;
Ceinwyr41 Ceinwyr Another seemingly unique reference, this time to the patron saint of Llangeinwyr (Llangeinor) in Morgannwg, north of Bridgend; WATU 126. is intending
to cure42 Ll. 51–2. It is difficult to account for the mutation to [g]wellhau, except by the loss of the preposition i from the beginning of the line, or possibly by reversing the custom of resisting mutation at the beginning of the second line of a couplet (further, see TC 196). As for the combination gwellhau pwynt ‘to cure a condition’, cf. DE 30 yr vn ym a ran amwynt / a all am hyn wellav ymhwynt ‘the one who causes me ill health can also cure my condition’. and restore his condition,
one short of arm in the little corner of the breast,43 Breichfyr yng nghwr bach y fron Probably a description of the patron’s injury. Was his arm in a sling? Or does breichfyr refer to a feature of the weapon that caused the patron’s injury, following the reference to a halbert, which has a small hook as well as a prominent blade, in the next line? The word bach is understood as an adjective, but is could also refer to some part of the torso, such as the armpit, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. bach2 (a) ‘hook’, (b) ‘hinge’, (c) ‘nook, angle’; cf. ll. 57–8n. Some of the alliterative consonants in this line are in the incorrect order, and the first main accent in falls on yng (for similar examples of placing a main accent on prepositions and other minor words in the work of Rhisiart ap Rhys, see l. 36; CadogRhRh1 l. 64; GRhB 28.20, 44, 53, 29.26, 29; further, see CD 266–8).
painful treachery44 brad chwerw The -d becomes voiceless under the influence of ch-, cf. CD 211–2. of a halberd and crown.45 halbert a choron The word halbert is a form of halbard, see OED Online s.v. halberd ‘A military weapon, especially in use during the 15th and 16th centuries; a kind of combination of spear and battle-axe, consisting of a sharp-edged blade ending in a point, and a spear-head, mounted on a handle five to seven feet long.’ The patron may have been a member of Henry VII’s guard (see the introductory notes), whose use of halberds was well-known, see Hewerdine 2012: 54–5, 57–8. The meaning of coron is not so evident. In l. 5 the same word is used with the meaning ‘crown’ (namely a coin, see the note), but in this l. it may signify the ‘crown’ of a king. Both halberds and crowns were heraldic symbols, but there are no relevant combinations in DWH iii. On the other hand, the poet may be referring to the patron’s ‘crown’, namely his head, or possibly a bandage wrapped around it, if he had indeed injured it, see l. 55 Os ei dâl sy â dolur ‘if his brow is painful’; GPC Ar Lein s.v. coron 1 (a), (c).
55If his brow shows suffering,46 Os ei dâl sy â dolur It seems that the patron’s forehead was often furrowed in pain. Note also the belief that on Judgement Day there would be a list on everyone’s forehead noting their deeds and the state of their soul, see Rowlands 1956‒7.
it couldn’t be done by any trivial man with his steel.
Uncomfortable it is to pick up a harp,
bitter is a harpstring, and love for a man.47 Ll. 57–8. The poet may be describing his own inability to play the harp because his patron was ill, in line with the poets’ custom of sharing their patrons’ suffering. On the other hand, the poet may in fact be referring to his patron having trouble playing the harp, if he had suffered an injury to his arm. There are many examples of patrons who took an active interest in both the poetic craft and its musical accompaniment, and cf. ll. 15–16, where the patron is said to have enjoyed bwyd a gwin / Beirdd breiniol bwrdd y brenin ‘the food and the wine of the king’s table’s privileged poets’; l. 47 Gŵr fu yn gryf ei awen ‘a man whose muse was great’.
The weapon of this age’s Achilles48 Ni chêl arf Achelarwy Possibly a cynghanedd drychben, but the poet may have ignored the voiced f here and, if so, this may be a cynghanedd lusg, see CD 155–6, 199–200. On Achilles, Greek hero of the Trojan war, see OCD 1213. On the form, see G 435 s.v. Echel1.
60cannot conceal a greater misfortune;49 grysyn A variant form of gresyn, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. ‘wretchedness; pain, grief, misfortune, calamity’; cf. Llst 164, 192 Rosser pam nad oedd ryssynn / amdy gorff roi amdo gwynn ‘Roser, wasn’t it [literally: why would it not be] a calamity to wrap your body in a white shroud?’ (cf. GRhB 24.21). 50 Ll. 59–60. References to the patron’s injured arm and hand (see l. 53n) suggest that the arf ‘weapon’ referred to here is the shield of Achilles, which is described in detail in the Iliad. It is unmentioned in Ystoria Dared, but it may have been known to the poet by way of a well-known version Latin of the legend, Ilias Latina, see Rhŷs and Evans 1890: 1–39; Miles 2011: 107‒9.
never was there anyone fairer in English fur,
nor will there be if he recovers from his pain.

1 Curig A saint associated primarily with Llangurig and Capel Curig, but who is named here probably because of his association, along with his mother, Ilid, with the church of Llanilid near Pen-coed, in line with the fact that a number of the saints of Morgannwg are named later on in the poem.

2 lle plyco arian The word plyco is in fact a form of the verb plygu ‘to bend’, not plycio ‘to pluck’, with the usual provection of the consonant in the stem of a subjunctive verb, see GMW 128. Pilgrims used to bend coins before offering them to a church, see Finucane 1977: 94–5; cf. CawrdafHRh ll. 25–6.

3 dwyn coron See GPC Ar Lein s.v. coron 2 ‘crown, crown-piece’, namely the coin; cf. l. 2n, l. 54n halbert a choron; GRhB 29.5. Note also another example of this combination of words by Guto’r Glyn in a poem of praise for Dafydd Mathau of Llandaff, see GG.net 17.41–2 Fal na bydd na blaen na bôn, / Addwyn ceirw, heb ddwyn coron ‘[you have sons] of such a kind that no one of them will fail to bear a crown, the stags are splendid’. In Guto’s poem, the words dwyn coron seem to serve as a metaphor for ‘growing antlers’, implying that Dafydd’s sons were young men on the rise. Another possibility is that the poet believed that his patron’s abilities as a warrior were no less than a king’s.

4 pwys llaw a ffon Literally ‘weight of hand and staff’. Cf. IGP 46.45–6 Rhoi pwys y ffon ar honno / Ar hyd ei phen – bu rhaid ffo ‘he laid the weight of the staff on her / over her head – she had to flee’. The poet is praising his patron’s physical abilities.

5 Ll. 7–8. The identity of Einion a Gronwy / Ac Owain can only be guessed at. Were they members of his family, possibly his brothers or sons?

6 Ll. 9–10. It is unclear who Cynwrig … / A Chadrod were. The fact that Cadrod is an uncommon name suggests that these two were, unlike the men mentioned above, two figures of some renown. If so, however, they are not sufficiently well-known today. The identity of Cynwrig can only be guessed at, and the only well-known Cadrod is Cadrod Calchfynydd, a son-in-law to Brychan Brycheiniog, see GRhGE 23–4n. Nothing is known of Cadrod that could explain this reference, but it is likely that both he and Cynwrig were known as men of honour who could be compared to the patron, were he to live longer.

7 Amlyn One of the protagonists of Kedymdeithyas Amlyn ac Amic, a story found in the Red Book of Hergest that was based on a Latin text, Vita Sanctorum Amici et Amelii. Both Amlyn and his companion, Amig, were known for their close friendship, and both died together in battle, see KAA2.

8 dwyn bwyd a gwin If dwyn means ‘carrying’ here, it would seem that the patron had served the royal family (that is, by ‘carrying food and wine’), probably at the palace of Sheen, see l. 18n. The poet’s reference to the patron bearing arms in ll. 11–14 (cf. ll. 51–6) suggests that he also served as a soldier and therefore may have been a Yeoman of the Guard, see the introductory note. On the other hand, dwyn can be understood as ‘taking’, with the implication that the patron had feasted with Beirdd breiniol bwrdd y brenin ‘the privileged poets of the king’s table’, possibly as he was a poet himself or, maybe, a harpist, if not both, see ll. 57–8n.

9 tân y Sin A fire destroyed the old palace of Sheen in London on 23 December 1497. Henry VII soon began to build a majestic new palace on the site on the banks of the river Thames at Richmond. It was derelict by the 17c. Further, see Thurley 1993: 27–32.

10 ffortenus The earliest example of a variant form of the adjective ffortunus ‘fortunate’, not noted in GPC Ar Lein s.v.

11 Ll. 19–20. Henry VII (1457–1509) and Elizabeth of York (1466–1503).

12 [y] tŵr Possibly the Tower of London, but note that the main stone tower of the palace of Sheen survived the fire of 1497, see l. 18n tân y Sin⁠; Thurley 1993: 28–9.

13 y pen melyn Literally ‘the yellow head’, not likely the patron’s, but rather a reference to the devil, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. melyn (b) ‘of a hideous yellow colour (esp. of death personified), deadly, implacable, unpleasant’; ll. 21–8n. For other early examples not noted in GPC, see GIRh 9.48; CYSDT 16.37, 18.57n; and, possibly, GPB 11.1.

14 Ll. 23‒4. It is also possible to interpret bai as a verb: ‘This would be the tormenting of a man / with no colour or shape like an injury for five years.’

15 Antwn A saint of Egypt and one of Christianity’s most renowned hermits, see ll. 21–8n.

16 Fe wna sant o fynwes hwn The word mynwes may mean ‘soul’ here, but there are no examples in this sense before 1574 in GPC Ar Lein s.v. mynwes (c). The poet is probably saying that the pain in his patron’s breast will purify him.

17 Bei ber fai’r nos, ni dderfydd A cynghanedd lusg gysylltben (see CD 174–5) in which the poet unusually uses the feminine form of the adjective ber.

18 Ll. 21–8. These ll. should probably be understood in light of the reference to Anthony in l. 25, a saint and hermit renowned for having been tempted in the desert by the devil in the form of demons and wild animals. One of the most well-known tales describes how he fought with demons in a cave and was almost dead when his followers dragged his body away. When he came to, he returned defiantly to the cave to fight with the demons a second time, but before they could attack him the light of God shone upon them and they fled. Anthony realized that God had saved him, and the saint asked him why he had not helped him sooner. God explained that he was pleased to see Anthony courageously fighting the demons and that he would therefore make the saint’s name known across the world. In ll. 21–2, it seems that the poet is depicting man’s helplessness, like Anthony’s, in the face of the eternal battle between God and the devil, by linking the suffering of man with the suffering of the patron in ll. 23–8. Ll. 27‒8 are very obsure, but may describe the suffering of the patron, for whom both the night and the day are long and tiresome. Another interpretation is possible with different punctuation: ‘If the night that never ends were but short, / if the day were a spell that was not brief.’

19 Gŵr lliwiog o Gaerlleon The image of Christ in the form of rood at the church of St John in Chester, the most famous rood in medieval Wales. It was decorated with gold and precious stones, and possibly some silver too, see Lewis 2005b: 20.

20 Gwedy rhoi fry gwayw drwy’i fron On the soldier who pierced Christ’s side after he died on the cross, see John 19.31–7.

21 Ll. 31–2. The poet is referring to an image of Mary that was believed to have been found in an oak tree near Mary’s well at Pen-rhys, located on a ridge between the valleys of Rhondda Fawr and Rhondda Fach. For Rhisiart ap Rhys’s poem of praise for Mary of Pen-rhys, see GRhB poem 5.

22 [y] meinwr hir This may refer to Christ, following the rather isolated couplet about the rood of Chester in ll. 29–30, but it more likely refers to the patron.

23 Catwg The patron saint of Llancarfan in the Vale of Glamorgan. Rhisiart ap Rhys composed two poems of praise for the saint, see CadogRhRh1 and MWPSS poem 24. It seems that Catwg was the form of the saint’s name that was used in south-east Wales, see ibid. 327.

24 feddeginaeth A mutated variant form, possibly, of meddyginiaeth, not noted in GPC Ar Lein s.v.

25 Teilo A saint associated primarily with Llandeilo Fawr in the Tywi valley, but he is likely named here in connection with his dedication, along with two other saints, at Llandaff.

26 tŷ aelwyn Namely a whitewashed church.

27 Tyfodwg A saint commemorated at Ystradyfodwg, a parish in the Rhondda Fawr valley, and at Llandyfodwg to the west of Tonyrefail, namely Glynogwr today, where there is a church dedicated to him.

28 meudwy gwyn Perhaps a description of any devout Christian, but also possibly a reference to the patron.

29 Nesaf, barod Sain Barwg St Baruc is commemorated in the town of Barry in the Vale of Glamorgan, but the church of Bedwas, which stood on the pilgrim route from Llantarnam abbey to Pen-rhys, is also dedicated to the saint; Gray 1996: 23. Some of the alliterative consonants in this line are in the incorrect order.

30 Ni ddeily ar draws ddolur drwg See GPC Ar Lein s.v. daliaf and the combination dal ar (iii) ‘to observe, mark, give heed to, attend to, notice, consider, regard’ (the first noted example belongs to 1547). The meaning is extended in the edition, whereby the poet states that Baruc does not ‘suffer’ violence. Furthermore, [t]raws ‘evil’ is understood as an adjective describing [d]olur ‘pain’.

31 Derfel A saint associated primarily with Llandderfel in Meirionnydd, but the poet probably refers to him here both as the patron saint of the lost church of Llandderfel near Cwm-brân and, with a view to praising the patron of the poem, as a renowned warrior, cf. l. 39n below. The lost church was on the pilgrim route from Llantarnam abbey to Pen-rhys, see Gray 1996: 21.

32 durfael Namely dur + mael ‘metal armour’. The combination is not noted in GPC Ar Lein, but see s.v. mael3; cf. GLMorg 14.5–6 Bedd Maelgwn Gwynedd neu Gynan – durfael, / Bedd Derfel neu Frychan ‘the grave of Maelgwn Gwynedd or Cynan in metal armour, the grave of Derfel or Brychan’; GSC 17.28 Durfael pawl onn Derfel plaid ‘the metal armour [and] ash spear of a host’s Derfel’.

33 Elltëyrn A seemingly unique reference to the patron saint of Llanilltern (or Capel Llanilltern) in Morgannwg, near Pen-tyrch on the outskirts of Cardiff; WATU 132.

34 Ll. 41–2. The meaning is obscure. The first part, myned heb rodd ‘going without a gift’, may refer to the ailing patron, whose prayers to the saints named above have not yet been answered. It seems that gormodd gwaith ‘excessive deed’ refers to this predicament, cf. the same combination of words in DG.net 159.19 to describe Judas’s betrayal of Christ. The solution, according to the poet, is to keep on meditating on God, and this may be why the poet refers to two other saints in ll. 50 and 51 (see the notes).

35 i dan Namely o dan ‘under’, see the combination in GPC Ar Lein s.v. i4.

36 f’oferedd The use of oferfardd and oferwr to mean poets in general may have modified the generally negative meaning of oferedd ‘vanity, vainglory’, see GPC Ar Lein s.v.

37 y Groes Wen There are at least three places called Groes Wen in Morgannwg, and all three were located on pilgrim routes to Pen-rhys. One was in Margam, on the route through Llangynwyd to Pen-rhys, and is commemorated today in the names of two streets near junctions 39 and 40 on the M4. Another more well-known Groes Wen is located to the west of Caerffili, on the pilgrim route from Llantarnam abbey to Pen-rhys, see Gray 1996: 26. A third stood on the route from Llandaff to Pen-rhys, near Radyr (A. Cook, personal correspondence and Twixt Chain and Gorge www.radyr.org.uk 47–50, 79–80, 84, 99 (map)). There may well be others. The only Groes Wen located near a patron house associated with Rhisiart ap Rhys is the Groes Wen near Radyr, not far from the home of the Mathau (Matthew) family. Rhisiart referred to cweryl Cing HarriKing Henry’s quarrel’ in a poem of praise for Syr Wiliam Mathau ap Tomas Mathau, a grandson of Dafydd Mathau, one of Guto’r Glyn’s patrons, who was knighted on the field of Bosworth, see GRhB 28.14; GG.net poem 17. However, there is no other reason to believe he was associated with this poem. The use of the definite article here points to ⁠Groes Wen⁠ being a place name, but it may also be a more general reference to the holy cross, cf. BeunoRhGE l. 39; GLl 1.17; GLMorg 30.52. Further, see ll. 43–8n.

38 Ll. 43–8. The verb rhôi ‘he’d give’ in l. 50 doubtless refers to the patron, which strongly suggests that Rhisiart ap Rhys is also referring to his patron in these ll. as a nobleman whom he follows faithfully and describes as a sant ‘saint’, cf. ll. 25–6. However, the same person is referred to as a man a fu farw ‘who died’ in l. 46, even though the patron was obviously alive. Was this simply some strange exaggeration, or had the poet wrongly claimed (cf. l. 46n) that his patron was dead?

39 merch wen Namely Sanwyr, see l. 50n.

40 Sanwyr A seemingly unique reference to the patron saint of Llansanwyr (Llansannor) in Morgannwg, north of Cowbridge; WATU 139.

41 Ceinwyr Another seemingly unique reference, this time to the patron saint of Llangeinwyr (Llangeinor) in Morgannwg, north of Bridgend; WATU 126.

42 Ll. 51–2. It is difficult to account for the mutation to [g]wellhau, except by the loss of the preposition i from the beginning of the line, or possibly by reversing the custom of resisting mutation at the beginning of the second line of a couplet (further, see TC 196). As for the combination gwellhau pwynt ‘to cure a condition’, cf. DE 30 yr vn ym a ran amwynt / a all am hyn wellav ymhwynt ‘the one who causes me ill health can also cure my condition’.

43 Breichfyr yng nghwr bach y fron Probably a description of the patron’s injury. Was his arm in a sling? Or does breichfyr refer to a feature of the weapon that caused the patron’s injury, following the reference to a halbert, which has a small hook as well as a prominent blade, in the next line? The word bach is understood as an adjective, but is could also refer to some part of the torso, such as the armpit, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. bach2 (a) ‘hook’, (b) ‘hinge’, (c) ‘nook, angle’; cf. ll. 57–8n. Some of the alliterative consonants in this line are in the incorrect order, and the first main accent in falls on yng (for similar examples of placing a main accent on prepositions and other minor words in the work of Rhisiart ap Rhys, see l. 36; CadogRhRh1 l. 64; GRhB 28.20, 44, 53, 29.26, 29; further, see CD 266–8).

44 brad chwerw The -d becomes voiceless under the influence of ch-, cf. CD 211–2.

45 halbert a choron The word halbert is a form of halbard, see OED Online s.v. halberd ‘A military weapon, especially in use during the 15th and 16th centuries; a kind of combination of spear and battle-axe, consisting of a sharp-edged blade ending in a point, and a spear-head, mounted on a handle five to seven feet long.’ The patron may have been a member of Henry VII’s guard (see the introductory notes), whose use of halberds was well-known, see Hewerdine 2012: 54–5, 57–8. The meaning of coron is not so evident. In l. 5 the same word is used with the meaning ‘crown’ (namely a coin, see the note), but in this l. it may signify the ‘crown’ of a king. Both halberds and crowns were heraldic symbols, but there are no relevant combinations in DWH iii. On the other hand, the poet may be referring to the patron’s ‘crown’, namely his head, or possibly a bandage wrapped around it, if he had indeed injured it, see l. 55 Os ei dâl sy â dolur ‘if his brow is painful’; GPC Ar Lein s.v. coron 1 (a), (c).

46 Os ei dâl sy â dolur It seems that the patron’s forehead was often furrowed in pain. Note also the belief that on Judgement Day there would be a list on everyone’s forehead noting their deeds and the state of their soul, see Rowlands 1956‒7.

47 Ll. 57–8. The poet may be describing his own inability to play the harp because his patron was ill, in line with the poets’ custom of sharing their patrons’ suffering. On the other hand, the poet may in fact be referring to his patron having trouble playing the harp, if he had suffered an injury to his arm. There are many examples of patrons who took an active interest in both the poetic craft and its musical accompaniment, and cf. ll. 15–16, where the patron is said to have enjoyed bwyd a gwin / Beirdd breiniol bwrdd y brenin ‘the food and the wine of the king’s table’s privileged poets’; l. 47 Gŵr fu yn gryf ei awen ‘a man whose muse was great’.

48 Ni chêl arf Achelarwy Possibly a cynghanedd drychben, but the poet may have ignored the voiced f here and, if so, this may be a cynghanedd lusg, see CD 155–6, 199–200. On Achilles, Greek hero of the Trojan war, see OCD 1213. On the form, see G 435 s.v. Echel1.

49 grysyn A variant form of gresyn, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. ‘wretchedness; pain, grief, misfortune, calamity’; cf. Llst 164, 192 Rosser pam nad oedd ryssynn / amdy gorff roi amdo gwynn ‘Roser, wasn’t it [literally: why would it not be] a calamity to wrap your body in a white shroud?’ (cf. GRhB 24.21).

50 Ll. 59–60. References to the patron’s injured arm and hand (see l. 53n) suggest that the arf ‘weapon’ referred to here is the shield of Achilles, which is described in detail in the Iliad. It is unmentioned in Ystoria Dared, but it may have been known to the poet by way of a well-known version Latin of the legend, Ilias Latina, see Rhŷs and Evans 1890: 1–39; Miles 2011: 107‒9.

1 Cei The manuscript reading, Cev, is problematic due to the inconsistent nature of Richard Turbeville’s orthography. There are two possible readings, both of which are meaningful. The edition of GRhB 8.1 has Cau, the second person singular imperative form of the verb cau ‘defend, protect’, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. caeaf (b). Note the poet’s use of the same form of the verb synnu ‘consider’ in l. 3. He used the verbal noun of cau, in the same meaning, in another poem, see GRhB 10.39.40 A gwŷr Ffrainc … / … yn cau’r Eidal⁠ ‘and the men of France defending Italy’; cf. TA III.4 yn cau’r ffydd ‘defending the faith’. For the orthography, cf. GRhB 38.54, 56, two lines in the concluding part of the preceding poem in the manuscript that have the plural forms pvnnev and donnav. The second possibility is that Cev signifies the second person singular present form of the verb cael, namely cei ‘you’ll receive’. For the orthography, cf. cav and geu for the same word on pages 156 and 181 respectively (see GRhB 38.60, 20.51; cf. gav for gâi on page 171, namely GRhB 10.43). The edition tentatively reads cei, as examples of the second person singular imperative form of the verb cau are extremely rare (se G 97 s.v. kaeu).

2 gwayw yn The manuscript reading, gwaew’n, is emended to extend the length of the line. The same could be done with Llaw’n at the beginning of the line, but extending over the natural break in the line is more likely.

3 Pan ddaeth i’r pen ydd athoedd The manuscript reading, pan davth ir penn i dathoedd, is emended.

4 Gwedy The manuscript reading, gwed, is emended both for the meaning and to extend the length of the line.

5 ym mhob The manuscript reading, ’mhob, is emended to extend the length of the line.

6 Nesaf, barod Sain Barwg The edition follows the manuscript reading, but an emendment is possible in light of the similarity between n and v or u in the orthography of some manuscripts, namely Nesâ’n barod, Sain Barwg ‘come closer willingly, Saint Baruc.’

7 Wellhau’i bwynt a’i rhoi lle bu The edition follows the manuscript reading, rhoi. The verb seems to be referring to [p]wynt ‘condition’ as a feminine noun, see GPC Ar Lein s.v. pwynt1 (e).

8 Breichfyr Two words in the manuscript reading, breuch fyr, form one word in the edition, cf. nisgwn ai for nis gwnâi in l. 56; GPC Ar Lein s.v. breichfawr, breichfras.

9 halbert The edition emends the manuscript reading, halfbert, possibly a misunderstanding of the origin of the word, see OED Online s.v. halberd.

10 Achelarwy The manuscript reading, vwel arwy, is emended, following GRhB 8.59, cf. A chael awr Achelarwy in a poem attributed to both Tudur Aled and Lewys Morgannwg, TA CXXIII.45; GLMorg Atodiad ii.45 (and cf. the variations on p. 530). Was the word, a Welsh form of Achilles, obscure in the source? On the other hand, cf. GRhB 10.36, where ai sdemor is emended to Antenor, one of Priam’s counsellors in the Iliad. Was Richard Turbeville unfamiliar with these forms of the names of Greek heroes?

11 mhân Contrast the manuscript reading, mhann. The orthography of original -nn is usually preserved in this text (cf. l. 48 wenn), and therefore the reading has to be emended both for the meaning and to avoid incorrect rhyme between original -nn and -n in the cynghanedd, cf. CD 232‒5.